SAN DIEGO — Try not to look too surprised when I say this, but President Donald Trump is hung up on race.

And the condition is not limited to just one person. The old proverb dictates that "the fish rots from the head." So it is that — when it comes to race — Vice President JD Vance, Trump's advisers, Cabinet officials, MAGA supporters and defenders in right-wing media are all rotten.

Just saying this out loud feels somewhat liberating.

You see, when most people go through public schools, they learn the three R's: reading, 'riting and 'rithmetic. But, in my case, growing up as a Mexican American in the conservative farmland of Central California, I learned about a fourth R: racism.

I was raised to not see myself as a victim, even when I was being victimized. Once, I asked my father why he and my mother had tried to shield me from racism. "I knew you'd experience it sooner or later," he said, "but I didn't want to put that idea in your head."

As I became an adult and began writing down my opinions and observations, I earned a reputation for being a level-headed moderate and centrist who steered clear of radical extremes. A lot of Latinos on the left resented me for it. As a journalist, I was hired by three newspapers — all of them regarded, at one time, as right-leaning.

When I wrote about immigration, I usually defended immigrants — especially those who were Latino. Some readers complained that I "hated white people." I imagined my high school friends — including the Mexican Americans — reacting with a chuckle. "Ruben doesn't hate white people," they would say. "Ruben is white people."

Ultimately, my live-and-let-live philosophy backfired. I spent the first 50 years of my life trying not to make white people uncomfortable. Many seemed skittish, fragile and plagued by guilty consciences. I let a lot of things slide. People who deserved criticism escaped it.

Then, about 10 years ago, Trump entered politics. Immediately, he went on the attack. He picked on Latinos, other people of color and marginalized communities. He argued that we were what was wrong with this country. And, for him, making America great again meant saying and doing things that made us feel uncomfortable.

In Trump's first term, the lowlights included:

— announcing his presidential bid by blasting Mexico and accusing it of "not sending their best" but instead ridding itself of those who are "bringing drugs ... bringing crime";

— describing illegal immigration as an "invasion" and praising the dreadful 1954 deportation program Operation Wetback, which removed many U.S.-born Latinos;

— questioning whether federal judge Gonzalo Curiel — a native-born U.S. citizen who was raised in Indiana — could fairly adjudicate a case against him since "he's a Mexican";

— ending Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which left about 600,000 undocumented young people in legal limbo until the Supreme Court overturned Trump's order in 2020; and

— taking aim at birthright citizenship even if it means challenging the 14th Amendment, which makes clear that U.S.-born children of undocumented immigrants are U.S. citizens.

Now, just nine months into his second term, Trump has continued to target Latinos by:

— gutting the U.S. refugee system and giving preference to English speakers, white South Africans (i.e., Afrikaners) and Europeans who flee countries they consider to be plagued by excessive migration;

— launching immigration sweeps that target brown-skinned people, according to a federal judge who ordered a stop to indiscriminate immigration detentions and arrests in Southern California;

— ending government programs that promoted diversity, equity and inclusion and closing DEI offices throughout the federal government, while pressuring colleges and universities to do the same;

— relying on stereotype in labeling Colombian President Gustavo Petro "an illegal drug leader" after Petro criticized Trump for launching deadly attacks on boats from Venezuela; and

— trying to gut the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by arguing for a narrow interpretation of the statute that would make it harder for plaintiffs to prove discrimination and more difficult to use race in drawing districts.

After conservative activist Charlie Kirk was murdered last month, the MAGA mob made it clear that they resent it when they're called racist.

I get that. Then they ought to cleanse their movement and scrub out all the racism. It's a big project. They're going to need a lot of soap — and even more humility.

To find out more about Ruben Navarrette and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate website at www.creators.com.

Photo credit: Natilyn Hicks Photography at Unsplash